Wednesday, February 07, 2007

The Maori Party and Maori Political Power

Since the formation of the Maori Party, its relationship with National has been a topic of media speculation, and a cause of much angst on the left. The debate was sparked again last week with twin kicks in the guts for the MP from John Key who confirmed National’s policy to abolish the Maori seats, and to not support the first reading of the MP’s bill to repeal the Foreshore and Seabed Act.

The media analysis of this issue tends to be shallow and transitory. Instead of focusing on the talks that National and the MP are having talks this week about issue x, we should instead look at why it is that the MP is behaving the way it is in the Parliament, and where the MP will position itself in the long-term:

Maori Power

While the catalyst for the formation of the MP was the Foreshore and Seabed Act 2004, the networks, ideas, and activists that are brought together in the Party did not spring up wholly formed at that time. Rather, Maori have been organising, and growing their political power over a number of decades.

Activism and protest, particularly through the 1970s and 1980s gave Maori a voice in the body politic and brought Maori political issues to the forefront of public consciousness. Most importantly, this activism and protest delivered results. The establishment of the Waitangi Tribunal, key legal victories that secured Maori rights, the Treaty Settlement process, and just as importantly thriving Maori cultural, NGO, and business sectors, all stemmed from the activism and protest of the 1970s and 1980s. Through this, Maori won a degree of political power.

The Limits of Activism

As the organised labour movement of the early Twentieth Century found however, activism and protest have their limits. The New Zealand Labour Party was formed against the backdrop of crushing defeats for the labour movement such as the Waihi Miners strike, which led union leaders such as Savage and Fraser to realise that the labour movement needed to win power through the democratic process in order to fulfill their political ambitions.

The Foreshore and Seabed Bill and the associated hikoi was a case in point. Sure, 20 000 people took to the streets of Wellington to vent their anger and apply pressure, but ultimately the Bill had the numbers and got through. Defeating the Bill actually required a parliamentary presence that could organise 61 ‘no’ votes (I incidentally support the Act as a pragmatic balancing of interests).

Transition to political power – contradictions and compromises

In winning four of the Maori seats and taking seats in Parliament, the Maori Party has moved to establish this political power to compliment the powerbase of Maori across marae, iwi organisations, NGO’s, and businesses across New Zealand, and sometimes seen on the streets. It is in this context that the Maori Party’s behaviour needs to be considered.

Parliamentary representation brings with it a range of contradictions and the need for compromise. For instance, how does the Maori Party reconcile the fact that it was born out of opposition to a Labour Party Bill, with the fact that Labour’s programme has delivered huge tangible gains for Maori? On all of the key indicators – unemployment, income levels, access to healthcare etc, Maori have moved ahead under this government at a faster rate than the general population.

Well, in the Maori Party’s case you basically ignore it. Instead you focus on issues of culture and sovereignty that provide a contrast to Labour’s position. The MP has had precious little to say on macro-economic policy or (more surprisingly) even on economic development. Naturally this is frustrating for a Labour government that has invested hugely in the economic and social development of Maori, but it is simply a natural consequence of the MP finding a political voice in parliament that is distinctive.

Compromise is also a necessary part of building political power in a parliamentary environment – particularly under MMP where no one party can do it by themselves. All parties are bound by this iron law, and it is wrong to criticise the Maori Party for doing so. Equally, in order to exert maximum influence, a small party like the MP is almost bound into engaging with both major parties. It is the subsequent dalliances of the MP with National that cause the most angst for Labour activists.

Watching the MP cavort with a cabal of people who represent the interests of the wealthy and powerful, and whose record is of throwing the working people of New Zealand onto the socio-economic scrapheap is stomach churning, but (swallowing words) it is understandable. In any negotiating environment – union/employer negotiations, cutting a business deal, getting the right person elected as Chair of the PTA, you increase your power by having other options, or at least giving the appearance of other options. The MP cannot be blamed for this.

What they can be blamed for, is taking it much, much too far on occasion. The initial decision to back the 90 Day Bill, and the more recent stance on Work for the Dole moves the MP’s position from negotiating, to selling out the interests of the people they represent. Quite appropriately, it was mass mobilization by the union movement that caused the MP to drop their support for the 90 Day Bill. The MP over-stepped the mark on these occasions and urgently needs to sort out a strategy for avoiding such situations again.

What Now? An Opportunity for the Left

The Maori Party is here to stay, and is here to exercise power. This needs to be accepted as a reality, and an historic opportunity for the left. The 2005 election results confirm this. While the MP succeeded in taking 4 seats from Labour, voters in those same seats actually increased their support for Labour over the 2002 result. Maori voters did not reject Labour – rather, they voted strategically, splitting their votes, in order to increase their political influence.

Polls consistently show that a Labour/Prog/Green/Maori block has a natural and comfortable majority in the Parliament. I doubt if any poll since the formation of the MP shows this group falling below 61 seats. While the MP has danced a merry dance with National, this is not a combination that will ever work. If for no other reasons, how on earth would the two reconcile their positions on the two touchstone issues of the Maori seats (National: abolish, MP: enshrine) or the RMA (National: Private property rights over-riding all else, MP: A greater say for local Iwi). My gut tells me there are enough smart people in the MP to realise that it simply cannot work in practice, and that it would be punished by Maori voters.

So, what needs to happen? Here’s what I think:

The Maori Party
- Needs to develop an analysis of economic policy and clearly go on record to state that National’s neo-liberalism was and will be a disaster for Maori. Use this analysis to assess where they stand on policy coming out of National and Labour, rather than developing positions on the hoof.
- Should talk to natural social partners more. Develop a deeper relationship with unions, churches, non-Maori NGO’s, and talk policy with them (while obviously preserving a central relationship with their core constituency).
- Engage with Labour. Yes, the MP arose out of a dispute with Labour, but so did the Alliance, and NZF out of National. Politics demands that you move on if you want power. There are encouraging signs that this door is now opening.
- Without closing off any options for the remainder of this term, make a clear strategic assessment about whether a partnership with National and ACT is a goer. Maori voters said no resoundingly in 2005. Base the 2008 strategy around this assessment.

The Left
- Recognise that the Maori Party is here to stay and represents an historic opportunity to lock in a centre-left majority (some contradictions and differences in focus notwithstanding).
- Develop the relationship at a soft and personal level. Again, this seems to be starting to happen.
- Work with the MP to develop a broad consensus around common principles. An attack on inequality and the role of the state in ironing out these inequalities, a rejection of neo-liberal ‘trickle down’ theory, a policy for increasing the wages of poorly paid workers (many of whom are Maori), the role of a strong and well-funded public sector in delivering core services etc…
- Find some common projects and start working on them, be it some mutually agreeable legislation, a union campaign on low wages in a sector with a high Maori presence – something that builds a bridge.

Getting this right is in my view not just a question of what happens in 2008, but a question of building a progressive political coalition that has a comfortable structural majority.


Gerrit said...

Good post. Have to disagree with your potential future positioning of the Maori party.

I see a far more independent streak in the Maori party that Labour will find difficult to work with. The Maori party wants to wean Maori away from state dependence, not be more reliant on it.

There is a fundemetal clash of ideologies here between Labour (central control - regulation - government know best) and Maoridom (local control - non regulatory - users know best).

The clash I foresee will draw the Maori party away from Labour and I predict contesting general election seats.

The Maori party will morp into a mainstream political party and attract more of the indian, south east asian and chinese vote. Basically because they have a similar entrepreneurial outlook on life as Maori.

This will at the detriment of the National party (who have been very poor at gardening this voting block) and good for Labour. But coalition between Maori and National is certainly not out of the question.

I predict to that Maori will actively seek to abolish Maori seats once they establish a presence in the general electorate. I believe in time to come Maori will see the seperate Maori seats as a symbol of oppression, colonialism and dependence.

Tony Milne said...

Another excellent post Michael.

Gerrit, your representation of Labour is not accurate. Labour does believe in devolving power to the grassroots and local level - provided that it is transparent and democratic and there are clear lines of accountability.

And we are all dependent on the state in one form or another. Roads, schools, hospitals, footpaths, universities, police, etc etc.

If you are talking about dependence on benefits - then Helen Clark summed it up best when she said "The best form of welfare is a job".

Single Malt Social Democrat said...

This is a very thought provoking and well-argued post. Good stuff!

To be honest I view the prospect of a genuinely independent Maori Party in the long term to be a very good sign for Maori, and for New Zealand politics in general. In the past I think Maori have been taken for granted by Labour, and even by NZ First.

An independent Maori political voice I think heralds a greater political say for Maori, and for left politics. There will be tensions between Labour and the MP, but politics does not require the removal of tensions, rather it requires balancing the tensions.

The tensions between National and the MP are far greater and less readily soluble than those between Labour and MP. If nothing else, I find it difficult to see the MP's support base standing for a coalition with the Nats. The vote splitting between MP and Labour at the 2005 election showed that fairly clearly.


Wouldnt standing against the LP in electorates be a futile waste of resources? Also, why do you see the MP broadening to other ethnicities? I can't see any basis for your generalisations on this, and it would seem to entirely undermine their electoral purpose.

innocentIII said...

“Watching the MP cavort with a cabal of people who represent the interests of the wealthy and powerful, and whose record is of throwing the working people of New Zealand onto the socio-economic scrapheap is stomach churning”

What pap. Why should an ethnic party be leftwing (or rightwing) for that matter – this is your frame of reference not theirs. I don’t know why Leftists get all proprietal over the MP. You have hungry eyes for something that isn’t yours.

Your analysis of the political situation faced by the MP is also very poor.

Twice within a decade Labour has substantially lost its grip on the Maori seats. This indicates dissatisfaction with Labour and frankly the poor quality of Maori Seat candidates/MPs from Labour. Although its too early to tell I think we are seeing a more normalised politics in the Maori Seats and within Maoridom generally – electoral choice and competition that will over time improve the quality of Maori representation in Parliament.

Gosh claiming that theParty vote in Maori Seats is the only true measure of the political heart of those voters is a mistake and presumptuous. But even if we use your formula, for the MP to truly prosper it much win the whole heart not just half of it – I suspect their Party vote will rise this time both in the Maori Seats and beyond.

Labour offers the MP nothing on a much needed reform of the hugely expensive and failing welfare state. The MP also has an advanced understanding of property rights issues and due process issues where Labour has no such commitment and National is fairly weak.

You wax on about neo-liberalism which really stands for greater power to individuals and private groups and just assume that a larger more active state is in the interests of Maori. Again there is little historical evidence for this.

If you look at the most successful Maori enterprises they follow best commercial practice and in many ways are a return to an entrepreneurialism that existed prior to the all beneficial New Zealand state “helping”

I also think leftists should relax a little. You assume that the MP will enter into a formal coalition with National or Labour. And even if the MP gave a National led Government supply you assume that would be bad for NZ or for Labour.

Alternating Govt is good and Labour is increasingly tired and out of ideas. There doesn’t appear to be any “beyond Clark” strategy so dominant and powerful is she. Consistently banging on about the “1990”s isn’t working – there are first time voters in 2008 who were born in 1990 who have no idea what Labour is on about.

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Tony Milne says "And we are all dependent on the state in one form or another. Roads, schools, hospitals, footpaths, universities, police, etc etc."

We are that way because it's Labour's wish to cement that form of dependence into our lives. They bring in policies to do it. Pushing the private sector out of ACC, education, health and transport are all policies Labour has actively pursued since 1999, for example.

Anonymous said...

Milne writes "If you are talking about dependence on benefits - then Helen Clark summed it up best when she said "The best form of welfare is a job""

Makes no difference, the average welfare beneficiary going into a job just shifts to another benefit payment called WFD.

Gerrit said...


"Basically because they have a similar entrepreneurial outlook on life as Maori."

To a large extend the values that the Maori party has are easily understood and supported by a large group of non Maori voters. Even this pakeha immigrant would vote for them.

I think you totally underestimate that the Maori party values are not transportable.

Just like the Labour party which grew as the political wing of the organised workers movements into a cross platform party, so will the Maori party.

And more power to their arm.

Barry said...

There is that old saying about Leopards not changing their spots, meaning that no matter what efforts people are using to make things look different, sooner or latyer the 'thing' will return to true form.
The MP have done very well and much better than I suggest everyone had thought they would. So far discipline has been excellent. However the MP has some underlying factors that it cant escape.
1: It serves a conservative constituency. (successful and/or modern) Maori may have taken up some modern business type practices, but at heart maori culture has a conservative core. Tradition is very important, and if anything the traditional values are returning to this group. I think the MP is much closer to the National conservative streak than Labour's values. I think that although National and MP have different values, they will come very close together as they come to respect the conservative nature of each other. They may not agree on many things, but I expect that they will work together trusting each other much more than MP will ever trust Labour.
2. Tribalism is the big enemy. Never forget that the treaty is an agreement between the Crown and the TRIBES. There has never been a really succesful pan maori group (other than Ratana - and thats not really very big). The real test will be when there are more mp's and there comes a decision that has to be made that will hurt one or more tribes - and it will happen. Already Harawhera has raised the issue once when he muttered that 'The tribe is more important than the party". he only said it once before he got smacked around the ears, but its just under the surface. This matter will be the real test of cohesion, and they will do very well to pass the test. So far theMP has faced nothing as serious as this problem will be.

Span said...

The key relationship that needs to be built in order for the Maori Party to establish and maintain a relationship with the Left is between Turia and Clark.

With the Alliance it was not until Anderton and Clark could bury their emnity that the two parties could work together. That took well over half a decade.

Realistically though one or both of Turia and Clark may be gone from the political scene within two terms. And ultimately that may be what is necessary to bring the parties closer together.

Gerrit said...

Agree with you Span that one (most probably Clark) will be gone if not this coming term then the next.

Problem for Labour is the Maori party will get closer ties with the polynesian vote (did I predicted that?).

This was seen yesterday with the visit by the Maori party to Phillip Field. While politically a big mistake to associate with the damaged goods that is Field (who looked very uncomfortable -even shifty eyed and unsmiling - on TV by the way), you can see the thrust of the future direction the Maori party will take.

For a labour party much depended on the polynesian vote this is not a good omen.

Span said...

It was quite clear, and Sharples said this explicitly on Nat Rad at least, that the visit to Field was merely a sign of personal support, not political. It did not indicate an intention on the part of the Maori Party to invite Field to join or anything like that. Sharples said that he did similar things when David Parker was in the schizen too.

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